HE  TRUTH 


les  1. 


APRIL.  1903 


No.  19 


Oman 
Under 
Socialism 


m 
m 


By  Caroline  Fairfield  Corbin 


HE  TRUTH  SOCIETY.  562  Harrison  Street.  Chicago 


THE  TRUTH 

Series  1.  APRIL.  1903  No.  19 


Woman 
Under 
Socialism 


By  Caroline  Fairfield  Corbin 


THE  TRUTH  SOCIETY,  562  Harrison  Street,  Chicago 


LIST  OF  PUBLlGflTIONS 


VOL  I.  CONTENTS 

No.  1  —  Catholic  Church  and  Marriagre  Tie. 
No.  2  —  Socialism.  No.  3  —  Christian  Science. 
No.  4  —  The  Gospel  ot  St.  John.  No.  5  —  Friars 
in  the  Philippines.  No.  6— The  Popes  in  Rome. 
No.  7  —  Agnosticism.  No.  8  —  Church  or  Bible. 
No.  9  — Pope  Leo  XIII.    No.  lO  —  Confession. 

Nog.  1  to  10  handled  in  book 
form  only. 

SECOND  EDITION— PRICE,  30  CENTS 


Vol.  II. 

No.  11.  The  Existence  of  God  .  Kev.  R.  F,  Clarke 

No.  12.  Christ  is  God    .       .       .    Rev.  J.  T.  Roche 

No.  13.  What  You  Want  

No.  14.  Jesus  Christ,  Our  Redeemer 

Pope  Leo  XIH. 

No.  15.    Mixed  Marriage       .       Rev.  Charles  Coppens 

No.  16.   Are  You  Sincere?  

No.  17.    God  With  Us     .        .        ,      Pope  Leo  X HI. 

No.  18.  Had  Christ  a  Mother  ?  .  .  .  . 
No.  19.   Woman  Under  Socialism 

Caroline  Fairfield  Corbin 


SINGLE  CORtES,  Sc    S/.OO  PER  100 


ALL  CHECKS  AND  ORDERS  SHOULD  BK  DRAWN  PAYABLE  TQ 

CATHOLIC  TRUTH  SOCIETY 

662  HARRISON  STREET 
CHICAGO 


WOMAN  UNDER  SOCIALISM. 


BY  CAROLINE  FAIRFIELD  CORBIN. 


The  system  of  economic  reform,  known  under 
the  general  name  of  SociaHsm,  has  a  century  or 
more  of  history  at  its  back;  it  has  been  discussed 
and  advocated  by  some  of  the  most  brilHant  minds 
of  Europe  during  all  that  time,  and  more  than  half 
a  hundred  practical  experiments  of  its  workings 
have  been  made  in  the  United  States,  yet  it  is  only 
within  the  last  ten  or  fifteen  years  that  its  doctrines 
have  taken  a  decided  hold  upon  the  intellectual  life 
of  the  Nation.  Even  now,  though  the  air  is  full  of 
the  contention  concerning  ^'the  tyranny  of  capital- 
ism,/' the  ''pauperization  of  the  masses,"  and  ''the 
infamy  of  the  unearned  increment" — catch  words 
which  have  sprung  out  of  the  rather  indiscriminate 
discussion  which  has  been  going  on — there  is  still 
much  haziness  in  the  public  mind  concerning  the 
ultimate  ends  proposed  by  Socialism,  and  the  prac- 
tical means  by  which  they  are  to  be  attained.  That 
Socialism  and  Anarchism  are  somehow  connected, 
is  so  obvious  to  the  most  careless  observer  that  the 
words  associate  themselves  without  an  eflfort.  Just 
what  this  connection  may  be,  and  just  what  are  the 

3 


points  of  difference  so  strongly  insisted  upon  by 
the  leaders  of  Socialism  when  they  are  called  upon 
to  define  their  relationship  to  those  whom  they  not 
infrequently  designate  as  their  ^'misguided  breth- 
ren/' is  a  matter  not  generally  made  clear;  while 
the  industrial  and  political  emancipation  of  women 
which  is  part  and  parcel  of  all  complete  Socialistic 
schemes,  wears  an  aspect  of  beneficence  towards 
woman,  and  is  loudly  proclaimed  as  a  simple  act  of 
justice  to  the  weaker  sex,  such  as  only  the  most 
hide-bound  conservative  could  have  the  audacity 
to  challenge. 

Perhaps  I  may  therefore  be  pardoned  for  making 
a  few  clear  statements  concerning  the  origin  and 
aims  of  Socialism,  substantiating  them  by  reference 
to  the  writings  of  the  ablest  and  best  known  of 
Socialistic  leaders,  and  drawing  from  them  only 
such  inferences  as  shall  be  perfectly  logical,  fair 
and  just  to  all  concerned. 

In  the  last  decade  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
causes  quite  unlike,  brought  about  in  the  two  coun- 
tries of  England  and  France,  a  state  of  things 
among  the  working  classes,  somewhat  similar.  In 
France,  the  misrule  of  the  Bourbon  kings  had  pro- 
duced such  a  state  of  misery  among  the  poor  as  had 
perhaps  scarcely  a  parallel  in  European  history,  and 
the  whole  fabric  of  society  and  government  seemed 
to  the  philosophers  of  that  time,  and  not  without 
some  show  of  reason,  to  be  fit  only  for  overthrow 

4 


and  destruction.  The  proclamation  of  the  American 
Republic  served  as  the  match  to  the  smoldering  ex- 
plosives which  the  teachings  of  men  like  Voltaire, 
Rousseau  and  the  Encyclopedists  had  diffused 
throughout  France,  and  indeed  throughout  Europe. 
The  flame  broke  forth  in  the  awful  catastrophe 
known  as  the  French  Revolution. 

In  England  during  the  same  period  the  decline 
of  agricultural  values,  and  the  introduction  of  ma- 
chinery into  the  factories,  had  combined  to  produce 
a  similar  state  of  misery  among  the  poor.  The  al- 
most incredible  wretchedness  and  degradation  of 
English  agricultural  laborers  and  factory  operatives 
at  that  time  are  well  set  forth  by  H.  M.  Hyndman 
in  his  volume  entitled  '^The  Historical  Basis  of  So- 
cialism in  England,"  and  substantiated  by  copious 
references  to  official  Blue  Books.  It  should  be  noted 
also  that  in  both  these  countries,  the  church,  which 
represented  then  far  more  than  it  does  now,  the 
only  recognized  form  of  religious  activity,  had  fal- 
len into  a  state  of  decay  and  want  of  spiritual  vigor. 
In  spite  of  the  noted  divines  who  here  and  there 
cried  out  against  the  materialism  and  immorality 
of  the  times,  it  had  brought  upon  itself  the  con- 
tempt of  the  people,  and  the  wrath  and  satire  of 
stronger  minds.  If  the  philosophers  of  the  latter 
part  of  the  eighteenth  century  were  the  enemies  of 
religion,  as  many  of  them  were,  it  was  not  without 
some  show  of  justification  from  the  forces  which 


5 


should  have  Stood  for  God,  for  spiritiiaHty,  for 
heaven  and  heavenly  things. 

It  was  therefore  a  revolt  against  Christianity, 
against  government,  a  determination  to  lift  up  the 
down-trodden  poor  to  equality  with  the  arrogant 
rich,  to  throw  off  the  bonds  of  superstition,  to  con- 
vince the  world  that  humanity  was  the  highest  form 
of  existence  known  to  man,  and  that  liberty,  equal- 
ity and  fraternity  in  human  relations  constituted 
the  best  heritage,  here  and  hereafter,  of  which  the 
human  mind  had  any  evidence,  which  was  the  ener- 
gizing motive  of  the  French  and  English  philoso- 
phers of  that  time. 

The  French  Revolution  ran  its  mad  course  and 
gave  way  to  the  military  reaction  of  the  Napo- 
leonic period,  but  the  intellectual  life  of  France  and 
England  was  still  permeated  by  the  new  sense  of 
brotherhood  among  men ;  a  vague  outreaching  to- 
wards a  community  of  goods,  a  community  of  inter- 
ests, such  as  had  partially  prevailed  in  some  simpler 
times,  such  as  prophets  had  foretold  were  destined 
to  appear  again  in  the  millennial  future.  So  in 
France,  St.  Simon  and  Fourier  and  in  England, 
Owen  and  Sadler  promulgated  their  ideas  and 
wrought  them  out  as  best  they  could  in  experi- 
ments. 

Germany  was  more  slow  to  catch  the  flame  be- 
cause economic  conditions  there  were  quite  differ- 
ent; because  also  the  Teutonic  mind  is  in  itself  less 

6 


inflammable  than  that  of  the  Ang-lo-Saxon  or  the 
Celtic  race.  Nevertheless  in  the  same  year  (1825) 
that  Owen  crossed  the  Atlantic  to  settle  his  social- 
istic colony  in  the  then  wilderness  of  Indiana,  Baron 
Rapp  of  Germany  brought  over  a  company  of  men 
and  women,  mostly  of  the  peasant  order,  to  found  a 
community  in  Economy,  Pennsylvania. 

Woman's  Emancipation. — One  serious  difficulty 
had  everywhere  attended  communism,  and  that  was 
the  question,  upon  what  basis  to  settle  the  relations 
between  men  and  women.  The  Communists  of  the 
French  Revolution  had  proclaimed  the  abolition  of 
marriage  and  the  equality  of  men  and  women  as  re- 
gards industrial  and  political  rights.  That  is,  wo- 
men were  to  engage  in  all  industrial  pursuits  at 
equal  wages  with  men,  and  were  to  enjoy  equal 
rights  to  suffrage  and  political  emoluments.  There 
were  several  good  and  practical  reasons  for  this 
so-called  emancipation  of  women.  It  was  clearly 
seen  at  that  time,  and  a  hundred  years  of  experi- 
ence has  only  confirmed  the  view,  that  family  life 
and  communal  life  were  wholly  incompatible.  Fam- 
ily life  involves  authority  over  children  and  respon- 
sibility for  their  welfare,  but  communism  proposes 
to  abolish  all  authority,  and  to  supersede  parental 
control  by  making  children  the  wards  of  the  State. 
Besides  this,  communism  abolishes  in  toto,  the  right 
of  inheritance,  along  with  that  of  private  property; 

7 


but  when  parents  have  brought  up  their  children  in 
separate  homes,  and  have  formed  those  ties  of  self- 
sacrificing  love  which  nature  weaves  with  such 
incalculable  strength  about  the  parental  heart,  the 
laws  of  private  possession  and  inheritance  will  main- 
tain themselves  with  an  authority  against  which  the 
social  reformer  may  rail  in  vain.  Jean  Jacques 
Rousseau,  who  may  almost  be  called  the  father  of 
modern  communism,  saw  this  very  plainly.  He 
had  also  the  courage  of  his  convictions,  and  carried 
his  five  new  born  children,  one  after  the  other,  to 
the  turnstile  of  a  foundling  hospital.  I  am  aware 
that  this  statement  has  been  disputed  by  Socialists 
but  since  he  himself  declared  it  true  in  his  writings 
(see  Encyclopedia  Britannica  article  on  J.  J.  Rous- 
seau) the  proof  seems  incontestible. 

But  to  go  back  to  Robert  Owen  and  Baron  Rapp 
and  their  communistic  colonies  of  1825.  It  was 
impossible  for  Owen  even  in  the  sparsely  settled 
country  of  Indiana^  to  carry  out  the  communistic 
theory  of  unauthorized  relations  between  men  and 
women,  and  State  care  of  children.  Civilization 
simply  would  not  permit  it.  The  next  best  thing  to 
do,  was  therefore  to  break  down  the  marriage  laws 
of  the  State  by  a  system  of  easy  divorce,  and  that 
Owen  proceeded  to  do.  Within  the  lifetime  of 
Robert  Owen  and  his  son  Robert  Dale  Owen,  it  was 
so  far  accomplished,  that  Indiana  became  a  by-word 


8 


for  easy  divorce,  and  set  the  example  which  other 
States  have  sometimes  followed.  It  should  be 
remembered  that  the  lax  divorce  laws  which  have 
brought  so  little  credit  to  American  legislation 
were  due  originally  to  the  direct  influence  of  Com- 
munism in  the  person  of  the  two  Owens. 

Baron  Rapp  took  another  course.  The  Shaker 
Communities  which  had  been  founded  in  1788,  had 
set  him  what  appeared  at  that  time  to  be  a  prac- 
ticable example  of  enforcing  celibacy  among  its 
members  and  depending  for  recruits  upon  the 
world's  people ;  and  this  was  the  course  which  Rapp 
adopted.  Like  the  Shakers,  who  by  the  way  owed 
their  origin  to  an  entirely  different  source  from  the 
purely  communistic  colonies,  his  settlement  was 
financially  prosperous  and  became  in  time  very 
wealthy.  I  visited  it  by  invitation  in  1853.  Baron 
Rapp  was  then  dead  and  his  daughter,  familiarly 
known  as  Miss  Gertrude,  was  at  the  head  of  af- 
fairs. I  was  shown  its  large  plantations,  its  busy 
workshops  and  saw  the  celibate  homes,  neat  cottages 
where  two  or  three  men  or  women  lived  together. 
The  women  worked  at  practically  the  same  tasks  as 
the  men,  and  they  were  coarse  and  unlovely.  They 
were  already  growing  old  and  their  discontented 
mutterings  about  the  theories  which  had  deprived 
them  of  the  comfort  of  children  in  their  old  age, 
were  not  loud,  but  deep.  The  colony  finally  col- 
lapsed as  the  Shakers  have  recently  done,  because 

9 


of  their  inability,  in  spite  of  their  wealth  and  the 
easy  lives  of  their  members,  to  attract  new  recruits. 
The  world  simply  wasn't  made  on  the  celibate 
plan. 

Meantime  in  Europe  the  family  question  would 
not  down.  The  family  was  not  compatible  with  the- 
community,  and  to  abolish  it  implied  so  much  of 
open  and  admitted  immorality,  that  communion 
came  into  great  disrepute.  But  the  deliberate  Ger- 
man mind  had  at  last  taken  up  the  subject  of  this 
imperious  reform.  It  was  at  once  the  hopelessness 
of  developing  the  German  hausfraii  into  the  full 
fledged  citizeness,  and  therefore  the  cry  was  raised 
that  the  new  reform  was  merely  economic.  It  would 
leave  all  matters  of  religion  and  domestic  habits  to 
be  settled  by  the  individual,  and  concern  itself  only 
with  the  Social  institutions  of  the  race.  The  name, 
Communism,  was  sloughed  oflf,  and  that  of  Social- 
ism substituted;,  and  it  was  supposed  that  at  last 
the  whole  matter  was  put  upon  a  practicable  basis. 
This  was  in  1835.  The  doctrine  of  the  emancipa- 
tion of  women  was,  however,  steadfastly  maintained 
and  the  Social  Democratic  party  which  is  founded 
upon  the  teachings  of  Karl  Marx  .and  is  today  the 
dominant  Socialist  party  of  Germany,  invariably 
demands  in  the  declaration  of  principles  put  forth 
by  its  congresses,  universal  suffrage  without  dis- 
tinction of  sex. 


10 


For  the  next  ten  or  twelve  years  Ferdinanrl  Las- 
salle,  Frederic  Fngles,  Ro(ll)ertiis,  JCarl  Marx  and 
many  others,  all  men  of  brilliant  parts  and  the  most 
revolutionary  ideas,  kept  Europe  in  a  ferment.  In 
1840,  Proudhon,  a  poor  but  i^ifted  scholar  in  Paris, 
full  of  the  iconoclastic  spirit  of  the  time,  pul^lished 
his  book  entitled  ''What  is  Property."  The  reply 
"Property  is  Theft"  struck  what  was  the  first  de- 
cided note  of  anarchy  in  the  .£^reat  uproar.  But 
Proudhon  was  an  idealist,  and  while  his  destructive 
doctrines  added  a  sharper  and  more  corrosive  ele- 
ment to  the  theories  of  revolution  already  in  vogue, 
it  was  not  till  twenty  years  later,  that  they  found 
in  Michael  Bakunin  the  maddened  energy  which 
was  to  make  them  practical.  To  say  that  Anar- 
chism is  not  a  phase  of  Socialism,  a  form  of  belief 
and  action  purely  sympathetic  with  it,  is  to  contra- 
dict history.  Dr.  John  Rea  (LLD.  of  Edinburgh), 
whose  volume  entitled  Contemporary  Socialism  has 
been  pronounced  by  a  high  authority,  ''the  sanest, 
most  philosophic  and  altogether  most  satisfactory 
treatise  which  has  appeared  upon  the  subject,"  says 
of  Anarchism : — 

"It  is  no  new  party,  however.  It  is  merely  the 
extreme  element  of  the  modern  Socialistic  move- 
ment. Mr.  Hyndman  and  other  Socialists  would 
fain  disclaim  the  Anarchists  altogether,  and  are 
fond  of  declaring  that  they  are  the  very  opposites 
of  Socialists,  but  this  contention  will  not  stand.  * 

11 


*  *  *  The  mass  of  the  party  whose  deeds 
(Imve)  made  a  stir  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic,  is 
undoubtedly  more  Socialistic  than  the  Socialists 
themselves.'' 

At  this  time,  however,  that  is  in  the  early  40's, 
no  great  distinction  was  made  between  the  different 
wings  of  the  great  Revolutionary  party.  It  was 
all  alike  bent  upon  inflaming  the  discontented  and 
ignorant  masses  of  European  countries,  to  rise  in 
revolution  and  throw  off  the  yoke  of  their  masters, 
to  grind  Governments  to  powder ;  to  throw  religion, 
as  represented  by  the  church,  to  the  winds,  to  break 
asunder  every  chain  of  authority  civil  or  religious, 
which  restrained  freedom  of  action,  and  to  return 
man  for  man^  to  that  unfettered  liberty  which  their 
inflamed  imaginations  pictured  as  the  original  in- 
heritance of  humanity.  In  1847  ^  Congress  of  So- 
cialists was  held  in  London  and  Karl  Marx  and 
Frederick  Engles  were  commissioned  by  it  to  pre- 
pare a  Manifesto  of  the  Communist  party,  which, 
says  the  Encyclopedia  Britannica,  'Svas  published 
in  most  of  the  languages  of  Western  Europe  and  is 
the  first  proclamation  of  that  revolutionary  Social- 
ism armed  with  all  the  learning  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  but  expressed  with  the  fire  and  energy  of 
the  agitator,  which  in  the  International  and  other 
movements  has  so  startled  the  world.'' 

It  was  in  fact  a  wild  harangue  written  with  con- 
summate skill  to  inflame  the  passions  of  an  ignorant 
12 


multitude  who  were  feeling-  the  pangs  of  poverty 
and  oppression  in  their  daily  lives,  and  it  undoubted- 
ly had  much  to  do  with  precipitating  the  riots  and 
revolutions  which  tnade  1848  such  a  year  of  panic 
and  terror  as  Europe  had  not  experienced  before 
since  1793. 

In  the  year  1848  while  all  Europe  was  at  a  white 
heat  concerning  Socialism,  two  events  of  interest 
occurred  in  the  United  States.  The  first  was  the 
founding  of  the  Oneida  Community  in  Western 
New  York  by  John  Humphrey  Noyes.  It  was  the 
first  community  in  this  country  to  attempt  to  carry 
out  the  full  intent  and  purpose  of  Socialism  con- 
cerning the  relations  between  men  and  women. 
Noyes  writes  in  his  volume  entitled  A  History  of 
American  Socialisms  as  follows: 

'*We  affirm  that  there  is  no  intrinsic  difiference 
between  property  in  persons,  and  property  in  things, 
and  that  the  same  spirit  which  abolishes  exclusive- 
ness  in  regard  to  money,  would  abolish,  if  circum- 
stances allowed  full  scope  to  it,  exclusiveness  in 
women  and  children.'' 

It  was  to  carry  out  these  ideas  that  the  Oneida 
Community  was  founded.  It  prospered  financially 
for  nearly  thirty  years,  but  was  finally,  in  the  old 
age  of  John  Humphrey  Noyes,  suppressed  as  a 
Community  by  its  indignant  neighbors,  and  now 
exists  as  a  joint  stock  company  in  which  marriage 

X3 


rites  are  observed  and  the  emancipation  of  women 
is  less  discussed  than  it  formerly  was. 

The  other  event  was  the  calling  of  the  first  Wo- 
man's Rights  Convention  in  thig*  country  by  Eliza- 
beth Cady  Stanton  and  others. 

Up  to  this  time  Socialism  had  been  a  terrifying 
power  in  Europe.  It  had  been  a  leading  factor  in 
the  greatest  political  upheaval  of  modern  times,  it 
had  shaken  thrones,  it  had  overthrown  dynasties,  it 
had  overshadowed  the  nations  with  a  fear  of  repub- 
licanism which  was  like  the  specter  of  the  Brocken, 
it  had  become  the  bete  noir  of  chancelleries,  and  it 
had  caused  the  polic,e  of  Europe  more  apprehension 
and  taxed  its  resources  more  heavily  than  all  other 
causes  combined..  More  than  this,  it  had  penetrat- 
ed with  its  ramifications  the  entire  proletariat  of 
Europe,  infusing  into  it  a  sense  of  its  own  misery, 
a  defiant,  desperate  determination  to  right  its  own 
wrongs  by  a  revolution  of  fire  and  sword,  and  at  the 
bottom  of  it  all,  a  nascent  idea  of  brotherhood,  of 
strength  in  union  such  as  it  had  never  .known  before. 
It  was  a  great  work  for  any  propaganda  to  have 
wrought,  and  false  as  were  its  premises  and  mere- 
tricious its  arguments,  it  had  not  been  without  its 
beneficent  results. 

Practical  Results. — In  the  first  place  it  had  so 
alarmed  reckless  States  and  a  careless  Church  that 
they  had  begun  to  look  after  the  condition  of  their 
14 


poor  with  a  very  sincere  and  anxious  scrutiny.  Once 
shocked  into  zeal  in  the  cause,  philanthropy  began 
such  a  work  of  relief  and  amelioration  as  the  world 
had  never  seen  before.  Scarcely  any  characteristic 
of  the  XIX  Century  is  more  notable  than  its  wide 
and  deep  study  of  philanthropic  needs  and  methods. 
At  the  outset  some  confusion  was  caused  by  want 
of  discernment  between  the  claims  and  methods  of 
Socialism  and  those  lines  of  work  along  which 
Christian  Civilization  had  always  labored.  The  dis- 
tinction was  clear  and  marked,  but  not  all  even  of 
the  best  thinkers  of  the  time  were  able  to  see  it. 

Christianity  has  always  been  in  practice,  if  not 
in  theory,  a  believer  in  the  principles  of  evolution, 
in  the  struggle  for  existence,  in  progress  through 
effort,  in  an  ever  ascending  uplift  of  humanity 
through  a  militant  strife  with  opposing  evil.  So- 
cialism from  the  first  has  been  a  leveler.  It  would 
improve  the  condition  of  the  poor,  the  incompetent, 
the  evil  disposed  by  bringing  the  rich,  the  strong, 
the  successful  down  to  a  common  plane.  It  would 
emancipate  women  from  the  bonds  of  purity,  by 
bringing  them  down  to  the  level  of  promiscuity. 
Karl  Marx  and  the  German  school,  claim  to  be 
scientists  and  followers  of  Darwin,  but  the  struggle 
for  existence  which  is  the  foundation  stone  and  four 
square  walls  of  Darwinism,  is  the  extreme  form  of 
that  competition  which  Socialism  is  bent  with  all 
its  energy  upon  suppressing;  while  the  survival  of 


the  fittest,  is  in  itself  the  triumph  of  a  class,  the 
apotheosis  of  inequality.  It  spans  the  whole  space 
between  those  who  die  because  they  are  too  weak  to 
survive,  and  those  who  live  because  they  are  too 
strong  to  die.  Instead  of  a  spirit  of  noble  emula- 
tion and  spiritual  endeavor,  which  was  ever  charac- 
teristic of  Christianity  at  its  best,  Socialism  breathes 
rage  and  defiance  towards  that  which  is  exalted, 
and  a  low,  materialistic  determination  to  bring  all 
higher  ideas  down  to  its  own  sordid  level.  In  no 
respect  is  this  fact  more  palpable  than  in  its  treat- 
ment of  the  woman  question.  To  illustrate  this,  I 
must  beg  leave  to  introduce  a  few  rather  lengthy 
quotations.  We  have  seen  already  the  statement 
of  J.  H.  Noyes,  the  founder  of  the  Oneida  Com- 
munity. About  the  same  time,  Hasenclever,  a  lead- 
ing Socialist  member  of  the  German  Reichstae,  now 
deceased,  said  in  an  address  before  the  German 
Working  Mens  Union  (I  quote  Woolsey's  ''Com- 
munism and  Socialism'':) 

''The  woman  question  would  be  taken  by  the  de- 
veloped, or,  more  correctly  speaking,  the  communis- 
tic State  under  its  own  control — for  in  this  State-, 
when  the  community"  (composed  of  individual  men 
and  women  equally  entitled  to  the  privileg-es  of 
citizenship)  "bears  the  obligation  of  maintaining 
the  children,  and  no  private  capital  exists,  *  *  * 
the  women  need  no  longer,  out  of  regard  for  the 
children,  be  chained  to  one  man.   The  bond  between 

16 


the  sexes  will  be  simply  a  moral  one,  and  if  the 
characters  did  not  harmonize  could  be  dissolved/' 

In  his  Historical  Basis  of  Socialism  in  England 
H.  M.  Hyndman  says  (page  452)  : 

''Thus  breaking  down  and  building  up  go  on 
slowly  together,  and  new  forms  arise  to  displace  the 
old.  It  is  the  same  with  the  family.  That,  in  the 
German-Christian  sense  of  marriage  for  life  and 
responsibility  of  the  parents  for  fhe  children  born 
in  wedlock,  is  almost  at  an  end  even  now.  Divorce 
and  the  habitual  use  of  prostitution  among  men  of 
the  upper  and  middle  classes  are  but  symptoms  of 
the  complete  change  in  family  relations  which  is 
going  on  among  the  mass  of  the  people.  It  has 
been  absolutely  necessary,  as  recounted,  that  the 
State  should  step  in  between  parents  and  children 
to  prevent  them  from  overwork,  and  to  take  care 
that  the  next  generation  does  not  grow  up  wholly 
ignorant;  meanwhile  the  connection  between  the 
two  sexes  is^  as  official  records  show  us,  quite  free 
from  any  sense  of  responsibility  or  permanence 
among  a  large  portion  of  the  population.  Mani- 
festly when  such  modifications  are  taking  place,  so- 
ciety is  undergoing  a  great,  crucial  revolution  with- 
in, which  may  show  itself  openly  in  either  five,  ten 
or  fifty  years,  but  which  cannot  in  the  nature  of  the 
case  be  delayed  beyond  a  calculable  period.  The 
social  tendencies  are  clearly  developing  themselves, 

n 


and  the  next  stage  of  the  human  race  must  be  a 
widely  extended  communism." 

Fallacy  Unmasked. — The  fallacy  of  this  gener- 
alization consists  in  completely  reversing  the  order 
of  historic  facts  concerning  marriage.  Mr.  Hynd- 
man  assumes  that  there  has  been  a  time  when  mar- 
riage was  more  successfully  upheld  as  an  institution, 
and  the  lives  of  men  and  women  were  purer  than  at 
the  present  day,  and  that  the  admitted  evils  of  our 
time  are  greater  and  more  general  than  at  a  former 
period.  The  truth  is  exactly  the  reverse  of  this. 
Bad  as  may  be  the  state  of  society  at  present,  since 
the  days  of  that  almost  incredible  immorality  of 
the  heathen  world  against  which  Christianity  made 
the  first  stand,  there  has  never  been  a  time  when 
the  moral  sense  of  the  world  has  been  so  alive  to 
the  beneficence  of  marriage,  and  the  lives  of  so 
many  men  and  women  have  been  so  faithfully  con- 
formed to  it,  as  during  the  past  century.  Even  the 
last  fifty  years  has  shown  a  decided  gain  in  the  pub- 
lic appreciation  of  the  virtue  of  chastity  both  in  men 
and  women,  and  though  the  Socialistic  agitation  of 
that  time,  has  undoubtedly,  sown  much  evil  seed 
which  it  requires  the  incessant  labor  of  moralists  to 
destroy,  the  discussion  thus  set  in  motion  has  re- 
sulted in  a  greater  reverence  for  the  home  and  a 
higher  appreciation  of  the  virtues  enthroned  in  it, 
than  has  ever  generally  prevailed  before, 

18 


From  Bebers  ''Frau''  or  (English  translation) 
''Woman,  Past^  Present  and  Future/'  it  is  impossi- 
ble to  make  quotations  suited  to  these  pages.  Suf- 
fice it  to  say,  that  while  nothing  is  said  in  praise  of 
the  purity  of  womanhood  or  its  elevating  influence 
upon  society,  or  the  physical  dangers  of  license, 
whole  pages  are  given  to  the  exposition  of  the  phy- 
sical evils  of  continence,  and  the  crying  injustice 
and  cruelty  of  imposing  upon  woman  any  law  more 
authoritative  than  her  own  impulses.  And  Herr 
Bebel  is  today  the  acknowledged  leader  of  German 
Socialism. 

With  such  sentiments  openly  expounded  and  pro- 
mulgated, with  the  authority  of  the  law  over  pa- 
rents, and  of  parents  over  their  children  entirely 
abrogated,  with  children  turned  over  to  the  State 
for  protection  and  education,  what  is  left  of  mar- 
riage and  the  Christian  home?  Is  there  any  escape 
from  the  conclusion,  evidently  accepted  by  these  ex- 
pounders of  Socialism,  that  all  relations  between 
men  and  women  would  be  placed  upon  the  level  of 
those  between  the  ouvrier  and  the  grisette,  the  Bo- 
hemian artist  and  his  model,  the  man  of  the  world 
and  the  woman  of  the  half-world? 

For  the  loss  of  her  rights  and  privileges  as  wife 
and  mother,  woman  is  to  be  compensated  by  equal 
work  and  equal  wages  with  man,  and  the  right  to 
vote.  With  even  a  glimmering  of  a  perception  of 
the  changes  implied  in  the  social  order  by  the  Indus- 

19 


trial  and  political  equality  of  woman,  is  it  any  won- 
der that  the  overwhelming  mass  of  women,  as  con- 
ceded on  all  hands,  decline  the  specious  bait  of 
woman  suffrage? 

Certain  of  the  Anglican  Clergy  have  been  misled 
by  the  fallacious  economic  doctrines  of  the  Social- 
ists into  calling  themselves  Christian  Socialists,  and 
in  Germany  also  certain  Catholic  Societies  working, 
and  very  successfully,  to  antagonize  revolutionary 
Socialism,  have  taken  the  same  name.  Rae  in  his 
''Contemporary  Socialism'"  (page  245)  to  which  I 
have  before  alluded,  says  of  these: 

''Our  Christian  Socialists  in  London  accept  the 
doctrines  of  Marx    *    *    *  orators  at 

English  Church  Congresses  often  speak  of  Social- 
ism as  if  it  were  a  higher  perfection  of  Christianity ; 
but  Catholic  Socialists  understand  their  Christianity 
and  their  Socialism  better  than  to  make  any  such 
identification,  and  regard  the  doctrines  and  organi- 
zation of  revolutionary  Socialism  in  the  spirit  of 
the  judgment  expressed  in  the  Pope's  encyclical 
December  28th,  1878,  which  said,  'So  great  is  the 
difference  between  their  (the  Socialists')  wicked 
dogmas  and  the  pure  doctrine  of  Christ  that  there 
can  be  no  greater;  for  what  participation  has  justice 
with  injustice,  or  what  communion  has  light  with 
darkness  ?'  " 

The  suppression  of  the  uprising  of  1848  and  the 
subsequent  increase  of  the  military  and  police  forces 
20 


of  Europe,  led  to  a  change  in  tactics  on  the  part  of 
the  able  leaders  of  the  Socialistic  party.  Revolu- 
tionary Socialism  put  on  a  new  face  as  State  So- 
cialism and  the  leaders  disclaimed  any  present  pur- 
pose of  overthrowing  governments  by  force.  Their 
propaganda  of  ideas,  however,  went  steadily  for- 
ward. 

And  now  we  must  turn  to  the  development  of 
Anarchism  for  a  moment.  W e  have  said  in  a  previ- 
ous page,  that  Proudhonwas  the  father  of  the  Anar- 
chistic idea  and  the  famous  epigram  'Troperty  is 
theft,"  or  more  grammatically  expressed,  ''Property 
is  stealings,''  the  product  of  his  idealizing  brain ;  but 
the  extreme  doctrines  to  which  his  statements  led 
of  the  right,  even  the  duty,  of  the  expropriated  to 
revenge  their  wrongs  by  assassination,  by  dynamite, 
by  poison,  by  any  destructive  agency  known  to 
man,  were  first  practically  urged  by  Michael  Bak- 
unin.  Bakunin  was  a  Russian  of  the  highest  aris- 
tocracy, who  for  his  participation  in  the  German 
Socialistic  movements  of  1848,  had  been  exiled  to 
Siberia  for  twelve  years.  Upon  his  return,  mad- 
dened by  the  treatment  he  had  received,  with  a 
vigor  which  seemed  born  of  the  infernal  regions,  he 
set  about  the  work  of  inflaming  the  passions  and 
stirring  up  the  evil  energies  of  the  discontented. 
The  teachings  of  Socialism  had  spread  through  all 
classes  and  furnished  explosive  material  ready  made 
to  his  hand.    A  party  mostly  of  young  men  had 

21 


been  seeking  to  revolutionize  Russia  in  the  inter- 
ests of  Constitutional  Government.  The  stern 
policy  of  repression  practiced  upon  them  made  them 
also  fit  tools  for  Bakunin's  propaganda  of  violence, 
and  he  became  the  recognized  leader  of  Nihilism, 
and  through  both  the  Anarchistic  and  Nihilistic 
movements  the  ferment  of  Socialism  is  clearly  trace- 
able. There  has  never  been  a  time  when  if  you 
struck  the  Anarchists,  the  Socialists  did  not  feel  the 
blow.  After  the  Haymarket  riot  of  1885  English 
Socialists  sent  to  this  country  a  strong  deputation* 
to  work  for  the  release  of  the  condemned  Anar- 
chists, and  the  whole  country  owes  a  debt  to  the 
incorruptible  Judge  Joseph  E.  Gary,  and  the  then 
Governor  of  Illinois,  Richard  J.  Oglesby,  who  stood 
like  a  great  rock  amid  a  surging  sea  against  the 
almost  overwhelming  influence  which  Socialism 
brought  to  bear  upon  him.  Only  those  who  were 
nearest  to  these  two  men,  know  the  resources  of 
persuasion,  of  bribery,  of  threatenings  exerted  by 
the  power  of  Socialism  in  those  evil  days,  or  of  the 
unswerving  firmness  and  patriotism  with  which 
they  were  withstood. 

We  have  noted  in  an  earlier  paragraph  that  the 
first  Woman's  Rights  Convention  was  called  in  1848 


*This  deputation  was  headed  by  Dr.  Edward  Aveling,  a  leading  Lon- 
don Socialist,  and  Eleanor,  daughter  of  Karl  Marx,  the  story  of  whose 
"free  marriage"  with  its  tragical  results  is  told  in  "One  Woman's  Ex- 
perience of  Emancipation,"  published  by  the  Illinois  Association  Op- 
posed to  the  Extension  of  Suffrage  to  Women. 


22 


by  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Cady  Stanton  and  others.-  In 
those  tumultuous  years  the  intellectual  atmosphere 
of  the  United  States  was  distinctly  sympathetic  with 
that  of  Europe.  It  was  a  time  of  'ologies  and  'isms. 
Whoever  is  familiar  with  the  early  history  of  the 
Anti-Slavery  movement  will  recall  that  it  was  dan- 
gerously complicated  with  a  party  against  which  its 
ablest  leaders,  Charles  Sumner,  Ralph  Waldo  Em- 
erson, Whittier,  Frederick  Douglass,  Lewis  Tap- 
pan,  all  energetically  protested,  and  that  was  the 
clique  of  Socialistic  or  Communistic  agitators  who 
rallied  under  the  war  cry  of  ''No  government,"* 
and  came  to  be  called  the  No  Government  party. 
Its  male  leaders  have  mostly  dropped  out  of  history, 
but  Fanny  Wright,  Earnestine  L.  Rose,  and  Abby 
Kelly  Foster  are  still  remembered  as  among  the 
Pioneers  of  the  cause  of  Woman's  Rights. 

'Tanny  Wright  was  associated  with  Robert  Dale 
Owen  in  the  publication  in  New  York  of  the  Free 
Inquirer,  in  1829,  and  in  its  columns  she  attacked 
religion  in  every  form,  marriage,  the  family  and  the 
State"  (I  quote  from  Mrs.  Rossiter  Johnson's  book 
entitled  ''Woman  and  the  Republic'')  In  the  Anti- 
Slavery  convention  held  at  London  in  1840  this 
clique  was  represented  by  three  women,  to  the  dis- 

*As  an  indication  of  the  fanatical  spirit  of  the  time  it  may  be  worth 
while  to  record  that  the  phrase  was  taken  from  the  motto  of  a  certain  set 
of  Fourierites  which  was  in  full,  "No  God,  no  church,  no  government, 
no  marriage,  no  money,  no  meat,  no  salt,  no  pepper,"  a  descent  from  the 
sublime  to  the  ridiculous  for  which  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  a 
parallel  ! 


23 


may  of  the  English  delegates  who  promptly  voted 
to  exclude  them.  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Cady  Stanton, 
though  not  a  delegate,  was  present  at  the  conven- 
tion and  took  part  in  the  peculiarly  feminine  tactics 
by  which  the  excluded  women  proceeded  to  make 
themselves  a  thorn  in  the  flesh  of  the  convention, 
and  there  is  no  question  but  her  ideas  of  woman's 
political  rights  were  gained  directly  from  Socialistic 
or  Communistic  sources. 

For  a  generation  after  the  Civil  War,  saner  coun- 
sels prevailed  among  all  so-called  reformers,  and 
many  women  in  this  decade,  are  advocates  of  Wo- 
man Suffrage  who  have  no  suspicion  of  its  origin 
or  tendencies;  but  the  marks  of  its  birth  are  on  it 
still.  Its  advocacy  of  equal  industrial  rights,  its 
determined  attempts  to  obliterate  all  differences  be- 
tween the  sexes  in  matters  of  education  and  employ- 
ment, and  its  frantic  setting  up  of  the  standard  of 
independence  between  men  and  women,  in  place  of 
that  mutual  dependence  upon  each  other  which  is 
the  only  possible  status  in  the  marriage  relation,  and 
the  corner  stone  of  the  home,  all  distinctly  identify 
it  with  its  Communistic  source. 

It  is  not  within  the  scope  of  this  paper  to  analyze 
the  pretentions  of  Socialism  to  economic  reform. 
It  is  safe  to  say,  however,  that  there  are  no  prob- 
lems between  Labor  and  Capital,  that  cannot  be 
solved,  no  wrongs  to  either  party  that  cannot  be 
righted,  through  the  operation  of  Christian  ethics, 
24 


without  overturning  the  RepubHc,  proclaiming 
Atheism  or  destroying  parental  and  filial  relations. 

Power  of  Socialism. — That  there  are  grievous 
evils  both  social  and  economic  which  must  be  faced 
and  their  solution  essayed  by  the  coming  generation, 
no  thoughtful  observer  of  the  currents  of  life  and 
thought  can  deny.  Neither  would  it  be  wise  or  just 
to  underrate  the  power  of  Socialism.  It  is  probably 
today,  all  things  considered,  the  most  formidable 
political  influf  nee  in  Europe  or  America.  It  holds 
both  continents  in  a  state  of  siege.  It  has  no  armies 
in  the  field,  no  navies  upon  the  high  seas,  but  its 
assault  upon  the  citadels  of  thought  are  everywhere 
in  progress.  Not  the  Parliaments  of  the  world 
alone,  feel  its  power ;  its  teachings  are  widespread  in 
our  school  and  universities,  and  in  many  pulpits 
there  are  strange  departures  from  the  simplicity  of 
the  Gospel,  which  mark  the  Atheistic,  materializing, 
unspiritual  encroachments  of  Socialism ;  while  in 
the  factory  and  the  workshop  its  sway  is  fast  becom- 
ing autocratic. 

The  political  dangers  of  such  a  propaganda  in  a 
country  where  the  ballot  settles  all  things,  are  suffi- 
ciently evident.  Especially  when  it  is  considered 
that  the  balance  of  power  is  so  often  held  by  a 
minority  well  organized  and  managed,  no  such  force 
as  that  which  Socialism  has  developed  in  this  coun- 
try can  be  regarded  with  indiflPerence.  The  diflFer- 
25 


ence  of  a  few  thousand  votes  might  easily  place  in 
the  Presidential  chair,  a  man  who,  by  the  help  of 
the  immense  power  of  presidential  patronage  and 
the  command  of  the  army  and  navy,  might  work 
changes  in  our  political  methods  which  it  would  be 
the  work  of  years  to  counteract,  if  the  evil  could 
ever  be  wholly  undone.  No  one  understands  this 
better  than  those  Socialist  leaders  who  are  working 
with  ceaseless  energy  to  bring  about  this  very  re- 
sult. Nor  are  the  moral  and  social  dangers  less 
grave  and  imminent.  Count  Andrew  Bernstorff  of 
Berlin,  as  quoted  in  the  Chicago  Tribune  of  July  21, 
1901,  speaking  of  the  moral  effect  of  the  Socialistic 
propaganda  in  Germany,  says :  ''The  indirect  in- 
fluence of  Socialism  is  not  easily  overestimated.  The 
demoralizing  effect  in  loosening  the  bonds  of  au- 
thority between  parents  and  children,  pupils  and 
teachers,  masters  and  servants,  has  certainly  done 
much  to  lower  the  state  of  national  morality.''  To 
this  charge  may  be  added  that  in  our  own  country 
the  teachings  of  Socialism  have  had  a  most  disas- 
trous effect  upon  the  public  mind  in  regard  to  per- 
sonal purity  and  the  sacredness  of  the  marriage  re- 
lations. It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  by  far  the 
greatest  of  those  influences  which  tend  to  justify 
and  facilitate,  thoughtless  marriages,  and  easy  and 
frequent  divorces,  has  been  that  of  the  Socialistic 
propaganda. 


26 


The  question  of  the  means  by  which  such  de- 
structive doctrines  should  be  met,  becomes  one  of 
deep  interest.  First  of  all  it  would  seem  that  since 
the  first  aim  of  Socialism  is,  by  covert  means,  to 
overthrow  the  Republic,  the  course  of  the  true  pa- 
triot should  be,  to  strengthen  the  foundation  upon 
which  it  was  originally  built,  to  reaffirm  those  prin- 
ciples of  constitutignal  liberty  which  our  Revolu- 
tionary fathers  bequeathed  to  us,  to  the  maintenance 
of  which  they  pledged  their  lives,  their  fortunes  and 
their  sacred  honor ;  in  so  many  instances  redeeming 
those  pledges  by  immortal  deeds.  And  this  is  not 
to  be  done  by  Fourth  of  July  orations,  nor  a  dis- 
play of  forensic  fireworks  in  the  halls  of  State,  but 
by  a  careful  seeking  after  the  fundamental  princi- 
ples of  right,  and  truth,  and  justice  to  all  the  peo- 
ple, and  an  honest  painstaking  embodiment  of  them 
in  legislation.  Our  government  was  built  upon  the 
foundation  of  equal  rights  to  all,  as  before  the  law ; 
it  abjures  classes  and  recognizes  only  the  people, 
but  at  the  same  time  it  proclaims  the  right  of  every 
man  to  the  fruits  of  his  toil,  be  it  more  or  less  than 
that  of  his  neighbor,  and  the  right  to  rise  above 
his  original  condition  as  far  as  his  ability  and  labor 
can  honestly  carry  him.  When  legislation  is  build- 
ed  upon  any  other  than  this  safe  and  strong  foun- 
dation it  topples,  and  is  open  to  attacks  from  both 
avowed  and  insidious  foes. 


27 


Religion  Needed. — Nor  can  civilization  any- 
where be  firmly  established  except  upon  a  founda- 
tion which  shall  include  that  true  religion  which 
consists  in  love  to  God  as  well  as  love  to  man.  If 
in  some  earlier  periods  of  history,  the  first  of  these 
two  propositions  has  been  emphasized  to  the  neglect 
of  a  broad  humanitarianism,  today  it  would  seem 
that  in  our  deep  and  altogether  laudable  zeal  for 
searching  into  and  destroying  the  evil  conditions 
which  afflict  the  race,  we  are  in  danger  of  neglecting 
the  first  half  of  the  great  commandment.  But  be- 
fore we  can  even  approach  the  solution  of  the  deep 
problems  of  modern  life,  there  must  be  in  the  minds 
of  all  a  sense  of  the  divine  power,  the  divine  wis- 
dom, the  divine  love,  which  shall  prevent  our  ac- 
cepting the  tinkering  of  every  crass  fanatic  as  an 
improvement  upon  the  divine  order. 

Of  all  the  problems  to  be  solved  scarcely  one  is 
more  fundamental  than  that  which  is  popularly 
known  as  the  Woman  Question.  During  the  past 
century  great  changes  have  been  going  on  in  the 
status  of  women.  Civilization  has  been  exalting  her 
in  point  of  privilege,  Socialism  has  been  scouting 
her  privileges  and  proclaiming  her  rights.  Between 
the  two  forces  she  has  reached  a  point  in  her  evolu- 
tion where  the  two  ideals  of  the  new  woman  and 
the  old  stand  squarely  face  to  face  appealing  to 
mankind  for  approval.  In  the  great,  coming  social 
struggle  which  is  to  prevail  ? 

28 


The  "free  wife''  of  Socialism  assumes  no  respon- 
sibilities with  marriage,  recognizes  no  motive  in  it 
but  pleasure.  She  changes  her  mates  if  she  chooses, 
as  often  as  she  changes  her  gowns.  She  votes,  pays 
taxes,  legislates,  and  pursues  an  independent  career, 
unhampered  by  nursery  cares,  or  the  duty  of  train- 
ing those  children  which  nature,  with  a  grim  irony, 
still  insists  that  this  lofty,  independent  creature  shall 
bear.  A  parental  State  which  assumes  all  the  other 
functions  of  maternity,  unfortunately,  cannot  relieve 
her  of  that  office.  In  this,  the  real  crux  of  the 
whole  matter  of  emancipation,  it  is  laughably  pow- 
erless. 

Over  against  this  product  of  modern  economic 
reform,  stands  the  old-fashioned  woman,  the  wife 
and  mother  of  the  home.  She  accepts  marriage 
with  its  outcome  of  maternity,  as  a  lifelong -respon- 
sibility, and  adjusts  her  whole  life  to  it,  with  some 
dim  unuttered  sense  that  the  greatest  of  all  earthly 
undertakings,  namely,  the  continuance  of  the  forces 
of  civilization,  is  committed  to  her  care.  To  bear 
children  and  rear  them  to  good  citizenship  is  her 
mission.  It  is  a  task  that  will  tax  her  utmost 
strength.  It  makes  that  unremitting  physical  toil 
which  the  labor  market  demands,  impossible  to  her. 
Long  absences  from  home,  and  absorption  in  pur- 
suits alien  to  it,  ruin  her  career  as  woman.  Justice 
therefore  requires  that  she  should  be  protected  and 
3Upporte(i,  and  civilization  and  nature  have  alike 

29 


decreed  that  this  should  be  the  task  of  the  father 
of  her  children.  To  him,  therefore,  she  cheerfully 
^resigns  those  civic  rights  which  belong  to  the  united 
family,  that  she  may  the  m.ore  freely  give  herself  to 
the  ceaseless  care,  the  tireless  vigils  which  her  voca- 
tion requires  of  her,  as  the  mother  of  the  race.  In 
her  quiet  home-life  spiritual  visions  and  intuitions 
come  to  her  also,  which  fit  her  to  be  the  inspirer 
of  man  to  all  good  deeds,  his  helper  in  every  emer- 
gency, and  from  the  inner  sanctuary  of  the  home 
goes  out  the  light  of  the  true  shekinah,  illuminating 
with  celestial  ray  the  upward  path  of  the  race.  So 
living,  she  cultivates  that  spirit  of  mutual  depend- 
ence and  love  which  constitutes  the  true  life  of  the 
home,  and  is  the  foundation  of  that  world-wide  be- 
neficence which  is  the  moving  spirit  of  progress,  the 
crowning  destiny  of  the  race.  It  is  this  spirit  alone 
which  can  solve  all  the  puzzling  questions  which 
the  changing  conditions  incident  to  progress,  bring 
to  the  forum  of  human  thought.  When  home  in- 
fluences are  what  they  should  be,  the  home  spirit 
will  rule  the  world.  It  will  be  seen  then  that  true 
^  government  implies  thoughtful  care  and  tenderness 
for  the  governed,  that  the  weak  are  to  be  treated 
with  the  patient  mother  insight  and  father  care  by 
the  strong;  that  the  man  whose  business  is  con- 
ducted in  such  a  manner  that  it  is  a  source  of  profit 
to  himself  alone,  who  practices  selfishness  and  in- 
justice in  his  daily  life,  to  the  degradation  and  de- 

30 


moralization  of  those  dependent  upon  him,  is  not  a 
useful  or  honorable  factor  in  the  life  of  the  com- 
munity. He  is  not  livine  up  to  the  home  spirit,  the 
spirit  of  fraternal  love,  and  can  never  know  the 
self  respect  or  the  respect  of  his  fellows  which 
comes  to  him  whose  whole  life  is  planned  along  the 
lines  of  that  beneficence  which  flows  from  the  heart 
of  the  Almighty  Father,  and  is  the  highest  end  of 
being,  human  or  divine. 


31 


OBJECTS  OF  THE  SOCIETY. 


1.  To  disseminate  among  Catholics  small  and  cheap  devotional  works. 

2.  To  assist  the  uneducated  to  a  better  knowledge  of  their  religion. 

3.  To  spread  among  Protestants  information  about  Catholic  Truth. 

4.  To  promote  the  circulation  of  good,  cheap  and  popular  Catholic  books. 


Lists  of  publications  and  all  other  information  regarding  the  Society 
may  be  obtained  from  the  Manager  at  the  Society's  Depot, 

562  HARRISON  STREET.  CHICAGO. 


BRANCH  OFFICES  OF  THE  TRUTH  SOCIETY 


MILWAUKEE  387  East  Water  Street 

INDIANAPOLIS  St.  John's  Church 

DUBUQUE  747  Main  Street 

CINCINNATI  7th  and  Sycamore  Streets 

DETROIT  Detroit  College,  Jefferson  Avenue 

PITTSBURG    The  Cathedral 

ST.  JOSEPH  The  Cathedral 

GREEN  BAY    The  Cathedral 

FORT  WAYNE  The  Cathedral 


Note.  —  Subscriptions  and  donations  should  be  sent  to  the 
Central  office,  Chicago.  Orders  will  be  supplied  from,  any 
branch  office.  .  , 

Subscriptions  to  the  Truth  Society  are  respectfully  solicited. 
Without  financial  aid  the  work  cannot  expand.  Send  $1.00  or 
more  annually  to  the  Catholic  Truth  Society,  562  Harrison 
Street,  Chicago.  Subscribers  receive  our  pamphlets  promptly 
by  mail. 


